Gateway Pacific: the Zombie Terminal
by Terry Wechsler
Some progressives now
refer to the proposed Gateway Pacific Terminal, or GPT, as “The Zombie
Terminal,” because it Just.Won’t.Die.
The public stabbed the
coal terminal in the heart roughly 14,500 times with substantive comments on
the scope of the environmental impact statements (EIS) being conducted in
accordance with the State and National Environmental Policy Acts (SEPA and
NEPA).
The Lummi Nation
attempted a decapitation with its Jan. 15, 2015 letter to the U.S. Army Corps
Engineers (the Corps) in which Chairman Tim Ballew asked the federal government
to immediately deny permits in accordance with the Treaty of Point Elliott of
1855.1
The coal industry has
tried to parry these blows with breathtaking brazenness by messaging on behalf
of the economically disadvantaged Crow Tribe in Montana which happens to
control one of the largest reserves of low sulfur coal in the nation. This
fairly transparent and self-serving strategy has been surprisingly effective
with political officials.
The Real Players
The National Mining
Association created the Count on Coal Montana campaign which has recast the
issues and characters and carefully orchestrated stakeholders to get on
message. In a March 11, 2015, press release,2 the campaign
quoted various spokesmen of the Montana coal industry who referred to GPT as
“The Crow Terminal” (Count on Coal Montana and Montana Coal Council) and “The
West Coast Crow Terminal” (Montana Contractors Association and Montana Chamber
of Commerce). The groups’ website, however, does not list the Crow Tribe as a
member.3
A self-described
“grassroots campaign,” Count on Coal Montana’s members include cities and
county commissions across Montana, business groups including the Montana Coal
Council and labor organizations. Conspicuously absent from its supporters is
the Crow Tribe.4
The notion that
Montana’s taxing authorities, business organizations and labor unions support
the permitting of GPT to benefit a Montana tribe is the latest salvo in a
multi-pronged campaign invoking both the U.S. Constitution’s Article One’s
“Dormant Commerce Clause” and the Fifth Amendment’s “takings provision.”
The Zombie Fights Back
Montana’s legislature
recently approved $1 million in seed money for a litigation fund in the event
Washington dared to invoke SEPA and deny permits for GPT.5 Perhaps
the most aggressive action to date was the introduction by Montana’s U.S. Sen.
Steve Daines, a Republican, of an amendment to the 2016 national defense
budget. If passed, SA 1809 would require the Corps to complete an EIS before
making a determination under the Treaty of Point Elliott.6 -continued below-
Amendments to a defense
budget are a common way for congressmen to promote their pet causes and fund
pork barrel projects. The original House version of the current spending bill,
HR 1735, now has over 500 amendments attached, most of which will no longer be
attached when the joint budget bill emerges from Congress heading to the
president for signature. Off the record, two Washington insiders said the Baines
Amendment is unlikely to see daylight, but deep in the swamps of Washington,
D.C., there still currently lurks the following text:
“At the end of subtitle
E of title X, add the following:
“SEC. 10__. CORPS OF
ENGINEERS PROJECT REVIEW PROCESS. The Corps of Engineers shall not make any
determination regarding usual and accustomed fishing places in connection with
the Gateway Pacific Terminal project until after the Corps issues a final
environmental impact statement required under the National Environmental Policy
Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C. 4321 et seq.) that analyzes the potential impacts from
the construction and operation of the proposed project required by the
`Memorandum For the Record, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Scope of Analysis and
Extent of Impact Evaluation for National Environmental Policy Act Environmental
Impact Statement’ (dated July 3, 2013).”
Sen. Daines’
communication director, Alee Lockman, said the senator introduced the amendment
to benefit the Crow Tribe in response to an email asking who requested that
action. Was this the senator’s official position, that the Crow Tribe had asked
him to abrogate the Lummi Nation’s sovereign tribal treaty interests? An email
asking this question yielded this answer from Lockman: “[T]hrough conversations
with numerous stakeholders, Steve has learned about the
importance of this project and the issues affecting its potential
construction.” [Emphasis added.]
What the Crow Tribe Actually Requested
In a Jan. 20, 2015,
letter to the Corps, Crow Chairman Darrin Old Coyote asked the federal agency
to consider the tribe an interested party. Expressing concern about the
possibility of immediate Corps action in response to the Lummi Nation’s
request, Old Coyote also asked Corps regional commanders to act as a “convener
to facilitate a dialogue with affected tribes.”
District Commander Col.
John Buck, responding for the Corps in a letter of March 10, 2015, acknowledged
meeting with Crow tribal leadership and staff in Montana and touring the
existing Spring Creek Mine. Buck pledged to consult with the tribe throughout
the permit review process for GPT. He declined, however, to facilitate dialogue
with the Lummi Nation and suggested the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) might be
the more appropriate agency to do so.
The Bellingham Herald
reported on March 23 that the Lummi Nation did host members of the Crow Tribe
earlier that month. Without discussing the nature of the talks, Lummi Chairman
Tim Ballew told Herald reporter Ralph Schwartz in a March 19 email that the
Crow Tribe’s request to the Corps was “not a setback to … an explicit treaty
fishing right that the Corps needs to respond to.”
“The Cloud Peak Terminal?”
Is the Crow Tribe one of
the “numerous stakeholders” who encouraged Sen. Daines to interfere with the
Lummi Nation’s sovereign treaty right? Or was it more likely Cloud Peak Energy
and other members of the Count on Coal Montana campaign?
Coal mining giant Cloud
Peak entered into an exclusive contract in January 2013 to mine coal on the
Crow Reservation, according to the company’s latest Annual Report. Its option
to mine up to 1.4 billion tons of coal there is subject to BIA approval and
being granted the necessary permits. The report also states that there is “significant
risk and uncertainty” given that extraction forecasts are not based on “proven
and probable reserves.”8
Cloud Peak has other
option contracts as well. The company entered into an agreement with Ambre
Energy on Aug. 29, 2014, to option up to 7.7 million metric tons per annum
(mmta) of coal through the proposed Millennium Bulk Terminal in Longview in
Washington. The company’s annual report notes it has a February 2013 option
with SSA Marine for up to 17.6 mmta throughput at the proposed GPT. A September
2014 press release, however, stated that the Ambre Energy option positioned
Cloud Peak “to meet anticipated future growth in Asian thermal coal demand.”9
That would be consistent
with the fact that Cloud Peak reports it has never exported more than 4.7
million tons — or 4.3 mil. metric tons — to Asian markets. The Ambre Energy and
SSA Marine contracts, combined, would represent more than a 500 percent
increase in Asian exports for Cloud Peak, an aggressive position not described
in its annual report.
That it is Cloud Peak,
and not the Crow Tribe, messaging GPT as “The Crow Terminal” is bolstered by
this statement on page 3 of the company’s annual report:
“Cloud Peak Energy
continues its membership with the Alliance for Northwest Jobs and Exports and
Count on Coal Montana. These groups aim to educate and inform communities and
policy makers about the substantial economic and social benefits that
additional export-loading facilities would bring to Washington, Montana and
Wyoming as we work to overcome opposition to U.S. coal exports.”
Why Opposers Need Educating
There is more at stake
than just the federal permits if the Corps agrees with the Lummi Nation that
GPT poses more than a de minimus impact to their treaty right to fish in usual
and accustomed waters. While the inevitable appeal of that decision works its
way through the courts, the next obvious question is whether the state and
county would halt their joint environmental impact review or whether they would
complete their joint EIS. As a threshold matter, that would depend on whether
Pacific International Terminals (PIT) — the SSA Marine subsidiary proposing to
build the coal terminal — agrees to continue to reimburse the agencies for
ongoing expenses.
In response to an email
query whether the agencies had discussed this issue with the project
proponents, Regional Director Josh Baldi of the Washington Department of
Ecology responded on behalf of the state and the county that no such discussion
had yet occurred; the agencies will wait until action is taken by the Corps, if
any, to determine how they will proceed. In an unsolicited follow up, however,
Baldi noted:
“Whatcom County’s Major Project Permit code requires a project to ‘be consistent with applicable laws and regulations.’ This requires the project to be consistent with State and Federal laws and based on the Corps decision on the Lummi’s request this may affect the permit decision by Whatcom County. This of course, is after the SEPA review if PIT chooses to continue.”
Article 6 of the U.S.
Constitution actually imposes a duty on “the judges in every state” to honor
“the supreme law of the land,” which includes the Constitution, federal laws,
and “all treaties made … under the authority of the United States….” It seems
likely, therefore, that a Corps decision to deny federal permits for GPT in
accordance with the Treaty of Point Elliott would preclude state permits as
well, although PIT could theoretically agree to continue funding completion of
the EIS.
In a phone interview,
Craig Cole, local spokesman for GPT, said that if SSA Marine officials have
discussed this scenario with permitting officials, he was not privy to that
fact. “I’m clueless,” he said, adding that “every significant event creates a
reassessment of how to go forward.” Bob Watters, senior vice president of SSA
Marine, did not return phone calls.
SSA Marine’s Response to the Corps
The Corps has given SSA
Marine the opportunity to respond to the Lummi Nation’s assertion that the
current proposal cannot be mitigated to avoid impacts to their fishing rights.
In a five-page letter dated May 12, 2015, Vice President Skip Sahlin of Pacific
International Terminals explained that the company needs 90 days to consult
with experts to determine if the terminal could be redesigned to avoid impacts.
Sahlin complained in the
May 12 letter of “the very general allegations made in the [Lummi]
declarations.” However, prior to filing their permit applications in 2011, PIT
was in receipt of a 35-page “Guide for Analysis of Project Impacts on the Lummi
Nation” prepared by Meyer Resources, Inc. in September 2004. That document maps
usual and accustomed fishing grounds and describes “Lummi Fish and Shellfish
Resources and Activities” in detail. We know PIT knew about the Guide, because
it is a reference listed at page 6-1 of the Feb. 28, 2011, Project Information
Document.
It is not clear why
SSA/PIT, Cloud Peak, or any other stakeholder is so insistent the Corps’ treaty
determination should await completion of an EIS under NEPA. It seems likely,
however, that the Corps will make a determination soon after the expiration of
the 90 days requested by SSA Marine to respond, around mid- to late August.
And then things will get
very interesting.
Endnotes
1. For a discussion of
the effect of the Lummi request, see Terry Wechsler, “Legal precedent
undergirds Lummi request to the Corps,” Whatcom Watch, Feb. 2015,http://www.whatcomwatch.org/php/WW_open.php?id=1810.
2. Located online June
20, 2015, at https://docs.google.com/document/d/1zKfWaehXC3YLvsFNoauyltkKRjVbrcfzTxr-e1Tf5Ec/mobilebasic?pli=1.
4. Located online June
20, 2015 at http://www.countoncoalmontana.org/index.php?our-supporters-new.
6. Last located online
on June 19, 2015, at https://www.congress.gov/amendment/114th-congress/senate-amendment/1809.
7. Don Hawkins of The
Washington Post argued in an Aug. 29, 2014, article, “No, D.C. isn’t really
built on a swamp.” http://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2014/08/29/no-dc-isnt-really-built-on-a-swamp.
We nonetheless stand by the comparison.
8. Cloud Peak Energy
2014 Annual Corporate Report, p.1 fn.4.
9. Sept. 4, 2014, press
release, “Cloud Peak Energy and Ambre Energy Announce Signing of Deal for Ambre
Energy’s Purchase of Decker Mine Interest from Cloud Peak Energy.”
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